Pink Tide or Pink Mirage? Civil Society Networks and Democratic Mobilization in Mexico’s 2024 Presidential Elections
Mexico’s 2024 presidential elections saw the emergence of a "Pink Tide," a civil society-led movement with the declared objective of defending democracy and safeguarding electoral institutions against constitutional changes and the polarizing rhetoric promoted by the ruling party and President Andrés Manuel López Obrador. This movement attracted various opposition leaders and figures who sought to channel public discontent on these issues. However, despite massive demonstrations and active participation from non-partisan organizations, the opposition’s electoral failure and Claudia Sheinbaum’s resounding victory raised questions about the effectiveness and real impact of this collective effort.
Civil society is often considered a democratizing force, a perspective widely supported in the academic literature (Almond & Verba, 1963, 1989; Diamond, 1994; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993, 2000). However, this vision has also been challenged by studies highlighting its limitations and even the conditions under which civil society may be detrimental to democracy (Armony, 2004; Berman, 1997; Encarnación, 2000, 2003; Fiorina, 1999; Molnár, 2016; Riley, 2010). This research engages with this debate to analyze the mechanisms through which civil society can either strengthen or weaken democratic institutions.
Using a multi-method qualitative approach, including in-depth semi-structured interviews and social network analysis, this study examines the internal dynamics and strategic limitations of the networks that comprised the Pink Tide. By analyzing the characteristics of the participating organizations, network formation mechanisms (della Porta, 2020; Diani, 2015; Diani & Bison, 2004), internal bonding and external bridging between social groups (Putnam, 1993; Varshney, 2002), the formation of “amalgams” with political elites (Migdal, 2001), and interactions with political parties and economic elites, the research identifies the factors that constrained and enhanced their mobilization and influence.
The findings offer valuable insights into network configurations, social movements, and coordination strategies that could be more effective in strengthening democracy. This study raises a fundamental question: What factors limit the mobilization capacity and influence of civil society networks, and what network characteristics and configurations could enhance the impact of a social movement in terms of democratic consolidation or erosion?
Doctoral Research:
Nationalist Networks: How Civil Society Influences Nationalist Movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country
Co-supervisors: Dr. Zsuzsa Csergő and Dr. John McGarry
Examiners: Dr. Will Kymlicka, Dr. Michael Keating, Dr. Oded Haklai
The thesis was successfully defended in February 2024 and was recognized as the Outstanding Thesis in Social Sciences (2023-2024) by the School of Graduate Studies and Postdoctoral Affairs at Queen’s University. However, I continue to work on expanding this research agenda and preparing it for publication.
Political parties in both Catalonia and the Basque country challenge the state by seeking a higher degree of autonomy and self-determination, but they do not operate alone. They are embedded in social institutional networks which may significantly impact whether parties present moderate or radical claims.
This research attempts to unveil these influences and to clarify the relationships between civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties within nationalist social movements. Despite strong historical similarities between the cases, they seem to differ greatly in the size and influence of nationalist CSOs.
The contrast of this comparison should point out the key outcomes of the influence, or lack thereof, of CSOs in parties and other political and social agents.This project aims to answer four interlinked questions:
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What is the relationship between CSOs and political parties within a nationalist movement? More specifically, how do CSOs affect the capacity of parties to negotiate self-government goals with central governments, and how do they alter nationalist parties’ positions on self-determination, independence, and autonomy?
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How independent are CSOs within the nationalist movements and what are the characteristics of CSOs that successfully influence the strategies of nationalist parties and the decision-making of political elites?
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What are the most significant forms of impact (e.g., enhancing resources, mobilization capacity, influence through personal linkages) of CSOs in nationalist political parties?
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Under what conditions does the influence of CSOs generate moderation or radicalization and what structural, cultural, and institutional elements foster their growth within the nationalist movement?
To identify the conditions under which CSOs influence political parties and nationalist movements the project has three core objectives:
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To research the characteristics of civic networks and civil society organizations related to nationalist movements in both the Basque Country and Catalonia (e.g., their goals, size, intra-ethnic bonding, and inter-ethnic bridging activities) and to map the relationships between them, with parties, and with the regional and state governments.
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To understand and assess the impact of civil society in the development of the nationalist movements, in the setting of their agenda and their influence over the political elite’s decision-making.
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To create an empirically based theory of the relationships between stateless nationalism and civil society that can be extrapolated to other cases.
Reach out if you want to know more about my doctoral project!
